He apologized a day later, saying that hed only meant to signal the pro-Putin proclivities of the unions Russian counterparts. Others can use the claim of an information war to go after the press. Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko has called a New York Times editorial criticizing his lack of reforms part of Russias hybrid war against Ukraine, while his interior minister, Arsen Avakov, labels independent Ukrainian journalists who do not toe the government line liberal-separatists. (Many of the journalists have received death threats.) In Ukraine, there are also attempts to bring in new legislation which would allow for censorship under the cover of defending against information aggression. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media criticized the proposed bill for potentially preventing media from acting as a watchdog on government. The Ukrainian parliament has not yet voted on the proposed change. Such legislative tactics actually play directly into the Kremlins hands. Moscows aim is to sharpen the divisions in societies, to stir discontent and alienate communities. Those divisions can be severe. In EU-member Latvia, for instance, one recent study by the Latvian additional reading Defense Academy found that 41.3 percent of some 1,715 respondents who speak Russian at home believe that Russian intervention to defend their rights and interests is necessary and justified. Initiatives by Latvian politicians to test Russian-language teachers for loyalty and to expel Russian-speakers might only help sharpen these divisions. Ultimately, whoever wages it, an information war is a model used to explain the world which actually explains nothing. This doesnt mean the West should ignore the challenge of Active Measures 2.0, but it needs to find its own way of evaluating them and its own language for combating them. Democracies are in a double bind: How can they respond to the Kremlin without becoming like it?
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